Ending Naxalism: Not by guns alone
Naxals need to abjure violence, and state
must be more equitable
Alok Tiwari
Last week security forces claimed notable
successes in their continued operation against Left Wing Extremists (LWE), aka
Naxalites, in the forests of Chhattisgarh. The forces have been pushing on in Abujhmadh,
one of the last known strongholds of Naxalites, in dense forests bordering
Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. The success, including scalps of some top rebel
commanders, was enough for home minister Amit Shah to reiterate his deadline of
ending LWE threat in the country by March 31, 2026. That is far from given.
LWE has been a problem for decades. It
began in late 60s in Naxalbari village of West Bengal as peasants’ armed
uprising against the state led by extremist Communist leader Charu Mazumdar.
Though that uprising lasted about a decade. The movement spread to forests of
east and central India. The Naxalites have carried out some of the deadliest
attacks on security and government establishments, sometimes claiming dozens of
lives in a single operation. Not just that, they also targeted tribal villagers
whom they suspected of being informers.
This invited retribution from the state
that unleashed its own violence. The poor people of the entire region, mostly
tribals, have long been caught between violence from both sides. Naxalites
force their cooperation at gunpoint. This invites the wrath of police. The then
prime minister Manmohan Singh had called LWE the biggest internal security
threat in the country. He authorised launch of Operation Greenhunt in during
first UPA government that saw large scale influx of CRPF in the jungles. The
police forces of states like Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra raised their
own units to counter the rebels, often made up largely of local tribals. This
effectively pitted tribals against each other with them perishing regardless of
which side succeeded in a particular encounter.
Now there appears to be a renewed push to
decisively tilt the balance. Given the history, it is difficult to hazard a
guess whether it will be ‘successful’. One thing is clear; it will lead to
shedding of more blood. This is extremely tragic. The Naxalites have been as
misguided in their embrace of violence as they have been right in espousing the
issues of justice and control of local resources. Nobody can deny that local
population, tribals or not, have been at the receiving end of thrust for
‘development’.
The country has been building huge dams,
steel and power plants, mines, roads, and canals to power its dreams since
Independence. This has resulted in large scale displacement of local people.
The rehabilitation efforts, at least in early years, were woefully inadequate.
Though they have got better with time, they are still not ideal. Naxalites main
push, after their initial fight against rural feudalism, has been against this
expropriation of resources by the state. Where they erred was in choosing armed
rebellion to set this right. Once you pick up the gun, you give justification
to the state to retaliate. And the state has unlimited resources and staying
power.
A far better way to seek justice was the
one shown by the likes of Medha Patkar and Baba Amte. Their work in Narmada
Bachao Andolan and elsewhere, largely on Gandhian lines, made visible
difference in the rehabilitation packages for the displaced. While earlier the
state used to just give paltry monetary compensation for land acquired, their
movement led to emphasis on more holistic rehabilitation. The monetary
compensation has also been hiked to a level where many times landowners
themselves are keen to offer their land. While this works for land-owning
population who know and understand money, it is not of much relevance to
tribals many of whom have no concept of ownership as well as expertise to
handle money. This is largely the region where LWE still thrives and where the
state is trying to quell it.
Naxals, or whatever rump survives the
current onslaught, must think about what decades of armed uprising has got
them. It is largely nothing except a terrible body count on both sides.
Generations of youths have been lost trying to pursue the dream of some
revolution that will never be realized. It is time they highlighted their
grievances in a peaceful manner. While the state-industrialist nexus is strong
and can adopt devious ways, it is difficult for it to go outright against a
popular but non-violent movement. A non-violent movement will not lead to revolution,
but it will result in incremental improvements. Those, over time, can add up.
The benefit in the form of lives saved is incalculable.
The state too must rethink its strategy of
treating LWE as purely a security problem. Merely killing Naxalites will not
end the movement. It needs to address the fundamental injustices in current
development model that provide recruits to the movement. First, there should be
a real rehabilitation of the project-affected persons, not just throwing money
at them or building unliveable rehab sites. Secondly, it must think more than
just building roads and industrial projects. These often bring either none or marginal
benefit to local people while enabling rapacious exploitation of their
resources by outsiders.
Every time huge projects are brought into
pristine sites, the locals suffer bad air and water quality, disappearance of
green cover, and total uprooting of their lifestyle. In turn they get low level
jobs like security guards, drivers, peons, or domestic help. The real benefit
goes to urban population both by getting to use the resources and in good
quality employment. A model that prioritizes welfare of local population over
benefits to others will go a long way in ending the pipeline that brings
recruits to Naxalites. This would involve having more sensitivity towards need
of the displaced locals and less hurry to push through the projects. The
project proponents need to have far more sincere dialogue with them instead of
perfunctory and often sham public hearings. The development that will emerge
might be a little slow, but it will be more equitable, sustainable, and
peaceful.

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ReplyDeleteMore social contact and genuine intent is needed to reach out to the poor tribals. The feeling of despair, deprivation continue among the tribals. Naxalism is an offshoot of this frustration.
ReplyDeleteThat's true..
Delete