Iran and the nuclear question
Only a fair non-proliferation regime can make nations not seek atomic weapons
Alok Tiwari
It is obvious Israel’s attack on Iran was
largely to deflect attention from its growing atrocities in Gaza. The onslaught
in Gaza was beginning to cost Israel dearly in terms of support from its mostly
western allies. Initial action of Israel against Hamas leadership in Gaza had
almost global backing in the aftermath of Hamas’s terrible raid Oct 7, 2023, in
Israel that resulted in death of hundreds of Israelis with dozens more taken
hostage. Even its action against Hezbollah in Lebanon was tolerated because of
support the latter lent to Hamas. But nearly two years on, it is clear Israel’s
retaliation has been much more brutal than the original action warranted. It is
now targeting mostly civilians. Its aim no longer looks confined to neutralizing
Hamas. Instead, it appears to terrify the Gazans into leaving the area
permanently.
This has not gone unnoticed, particularly
in Europe. Under pressure from their own population horrified by Israeli
excesses in Gaza, government after government has shifted stance calling for a
halt to operations. The tone in mainstream media has also shifted from tacit
support to distinct berating of Israel. For far too long, the Israel managed to
label any criticism of itself as anti-Semitic. Now that appears to be cracking.
Criticising Israel is no longer same as being against Jews as a whole. Israel is
beginning to be seen for what it has become, a rogue entity that does not respect
international norms. It is only a matter of time when eroding public support
also ends up drying up the financial and weapons pipeline to Israel. For all
its vaunted achievements, that pipeline from west, particularly from US, is
still critical for Israel.
Add the domestic political troubles of
prime minister Binjamin Netyanahu to this mix and the reasons for this
unprovoked attack on Iran become obvious. Nothing unites a populace better than
a war. This is truer in Israel that has existed amidst hostile neighbours for
decades. A far bigger international conflict automatically makes Gaza take a
backseat. Already the global headlines have shifted to the latest conflict.
Israel has said its attack on Iran is to
prevent the latter from acquiring nuclear weapons. It has long said it would
not allow Iran to have those weapons that it sees as existential threat to
itself. That reason aligns with the aim of the West. Efforts to curb Iran’s
nuclear ambitions are age-old. Even now, US and Iran were in talks to revive a
multi-national treaty that would have allowed Iran to pursue a peaceful nuclear
programme while giving up effort to acquire nuclear weapons. Israel’s attack led
Iran to walk away from the talks.
For Israel, Iran is much easier target to
attack, even on moral terms. Iran has covertly and overtly stirred the middle
east pot since ages. It has supported awful regimes and militias in the region.
Since 1980, when the Shah regime collapsed, Ayatollahs running the country have
not only defied the West but have also run a brutal and repressive regime at
home. This has led to the country being under western sanctions for much of
this period. Its capacity to retaliate as well as to wage a prolonged war is limited.
Any dramatic escalation that increases domestic hardship will likely lead to
rebellion against the Islamist regime. Israel knows this very well.
It is not clear how far Israeli attacks
have set the Iranian nuclear programme back. Israelis have successfully
targeted several key scientists and military figures. Still, Iran has always
anticipated Israeli attack. It is safe to assume much of its nuclear facilities
would be well protected. Iran has long sought to develop nuclear weapons as
ultimate protection against not just Israel but several other hostile powers in
the region and West. It may be close to achieving success.
There is no denying that an Iranian N-bomb
is a terrible idea. But it must be understood why Iran and many other countries
want it and will continue to want it. Nuclear weapons are seen to provide
ultimate protection against any existential threat. Already, there are many
more countries having nuclear capability than the Nuclear Non-proliferation
Treaty (NPT) envisaged. India and Pakistan have been declared nuclear powers
since 1998. Israel and North Korea have their own arsenals. There are dozens of
advanced countries that can go nuclear in a heartbeat but do not because they
enjoy nuclear shield of western powers.
Nuclear weapons technology is now
relatively commonplace. What is preventing further proliferation is relative
difficulty in getting the raw materials needed and the perception of individual
nations that they do not need these weapons, yet. Even those will eventually be
overcome if there is no fundamental change in international nuclear regime.
Nations will want nuclear shield as long as it remains ultimate guarantee
against aggression. And nations that want it bad enough will eventually get it.
An international control regime that aims
at perpetuating nuclear apartheid is bound to fail, no matter how many
countries sign the NPT. No nation can say it is okay for it to have these
weapons but not for others. Only a regime that treats all nations equally and
provides or denies nuclear shield to all has a chance to succeed in the long
run. Any agreement, treaty, pact that is fundamentally unequal, unfair, and
unjust will not work. It is not in human nature to accept it.
Of course, some countries will be better
custodians of such weapons than others. But make no mistake, all will want the
safety and security they provide. The nuclear haves of the world need to
understand that the have-nots will not sit idle and accept the status quo
forever. It is in the interest of all that they come up with a regime that is
morally and militarily acceptable and treats everyone equally.

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